The way the United States determines who is poor and who is not—a measure based solely on the cost of food—is broken. A new approach is needed, one that measures poverty through multiple factors such as housing, transportation, and regional economic differences.
On July 13, 2008, New York
City’s poverty rate was 18 percent.
Twenty-four hours later it
had ballooned to 23 percent. How
did more than 400,000 New Yorkers
become impoverished overnight?
The answer is that Mayor
Michael Bloomberg adopted a new
and more complex—and, he argued,
more accurate—measure of poverty than the one the federal
government uses. His action reignited a debate in Washington, D.C.,
and beyond about how America determines who is poor—a debate
that many hope will be settled by the U.S. Congress this year.
Most people who care about measuring poverty—academics,
policymakers, nonprofit leaders, and the like—agree that the way
the federal government currently determines who is poor and who
is not doesn’t work. The so-called “poverty line” was determined in
the mid-1960s by calculating the amount of money it costs to buy a
basic basket of food and then multiplying that amount by three. Each
year the line is updated to account for inflation. (The current poverty
line is $10,830 for a single person and $22,050 for a family of four.) If a
person lives in a household whose income is less than that amount, he
is considered poor. If the household’s income is that amount or more
(even by one dollar), he is not poor. The measure does not consider
other living costs besides food, and the federal poverty line is the same
whether a person lives in New York City or McAlester, Okla.
The federal poverty line is used to determine eligibility and appropriations
for all types of federal, state, and local aid, including food stamps,
Temporary Assistance for Needy Families (TANF), and Medicaid. How
the line is determined has real material implications for low-income
families. The poverty line is also the most important way that America
measures how well it is treating its most disadvantaged members. A large
and growing percentage of people below the poverty line indicates that
we are not doing enough. A small and declining percentage of people
in poverty tells us that we might be on the right track.
Now is the time to improve our measures of poverty. But the
current conversation around Bloomberg’s initiative and other proposals
to update how we measure poverty falls into the same trap
by reducing the complexity of poverty to a single figure, a line. If our
goal is to achieve a better measure of well-being in order to diagnose
human needs and design effective solutions, no line—no matter how
thoughtful or sound—will do.
Given the dynamic nature of poverty, social service organizations
and policymakers require more context, more nuance, and, quite simply,
more data. The data we need already exist. The problem is that
data are scattered across dozens of government and nonprofit organizations
and require experts to access and interpret. We are living in
the information age—it’s time that the socially minded community
asked for more of it. It is time to move beyond the poverty line.
Defining the Poverty Line
The current federal poverty line was created in 1964 by Mollie Orshansky,
an economist working at the U.S. Social Security Administration.1
Tasked with setting a threshold for what it meant to be poor,
she started by analyzing the cost of one of life’s basic necessities: food.
Orshansky’s first step was to determine the cost of feeding a family
on the “economy food plan,” the cheapest of the four food plans
deemed nutritionally adequate by the U.S. Department of Agriculture
(USDA). She then estimated that the average family spent one-third
of its budget on food. The poverty threshold, then, could be set by
multiplying the cost of the most basic food plan by three.
Because of the timing of Orshansky’s calculations—President
Lyndon Johnson launched his War on Poverty in
1965—the federal government quickly adopted
her threshold as the basis for policy. And so it was
done: The poverty line was born. Except for annual
adjustments for inflation, the poverty line has not
been touched since.
For decades, critics have complained about the
limits of Orshansky’s measure. Do we determine a
family’s income by using pre- or post-tax earnings?
Do we include food stamps and other transfers?
What about the cost of other necessities like shelter,
utilities, and transportation? Why have a single
poverty line for the entire country when the cost
of living varies widely across the nation?
After three decades of frustration and cries for
improvement, in 1992 Congress asked the National
Academy of Sciences (NAS) to organize a group of
academics and policy thinkers on the issue. The
Panel on Poverty and Family Assistance designed a
better way to measure poverty.2 The group’s detailed
recommendations were published in Measuring
Poverty: A New Approach and sought to compensate for the shortcomings of Orshansky’s threshold by accounting for
the full consumption needs of families, a more accurate measure of
household income, and regional variation in cost of living.
The proposal was brilliant, so brilliant that the NAS panel’s recommendations
were largely ignored for the next decade and a half. Why?
Economist Rebecca Blank, President Barack Obama’s undersecretary of
commerce for economic affairs at the U.S. Department of Commerce,
gave a pragmatic answer when she wrote in the Los Angeles Times:
“Unfortunately, no president (Democrat or Republican) has wanted to
touch this political hot potato. If a new measure shows higher poverty,
the president looks bad, but if a new measure shows lower poverty, he’ll
be accused of dismissing the problem.”3
Without revision, the poverty line has become increasingly useless
as a tool to target and evaluate public policy, especially at the state
and local level. Federal, state, and local governments have largely
stopped using the poverty line to determine eligibility for social
programs. Program eligibility is now frequently set at 125 percent,
150 percent, or even 200 percent of the federal poverty line.
With the federal government unwilling to revise the way it measures
poverty, the stage was set for Bloomberg to redraw the line largely on
the basis of the NAS panel’s recommendations. In announcing the new
poverty measure, Bloomberg said: “If we are serious about fighting
poverty, we also have to start getting serious about accurately measuring
poverty. Since the mid-’60s the economy has vastly changed.
So has society and so have government benefits, but
the poverty formula hasn’t adjusted in response. We
can’t devise effective strategies for tackling poverty
until we understand its full dimensions.”4
And what has come of Bloomberg’s new standard, which resulted in designating nearly half a million more New Yorkers
as poor? Not much, according to Frances Fox Piven, distinguished
professor of sociology and political science at the City University
of New York Graduate Center. “Mayor Bloomberg proposed a more
realistic measure of poverty that took some account of higher living
costs in New York City. … Bloomberg was right: The official poverty
line in the United States is unreal,” Piven is quoted as saying in a
Gotham Gazette article. “It does not take account of the actual costs
of basic subsistence. … If we thought a new measure would mean
more generous policies, we were wrong.”5
Some nonprofit leaders have been similarly skeptical. “The new
measures being floated, by New York for instance, definitely make
more sense, but they still fail to come near to really understanding
need deeply enough to then provide viable policy solutions to address
poverty,” says Sondra Youdelman, executive director of Community
Voices Heard, a New York City-based grassroots organization.
Ways of Measuring Poverty
Even if the new poverty line being used by New York City is inadequate,
there must be a line that would adequately measure poverty.
Or is there? Some scholars, advocates, and policymakers argue that
the main problem with the American system of measuring poverty
is that a line is an absolute measure.6
Absolute measures have clear shortcomings. It is difficult to establish
an objective minimum level of goods necessary for an individual
or a family. This is especially difficult in a country as heterogeneous as
the United States, where there are large regional variations in the cost
of goods and services. And the definition of what is necessary changes
significantly over time. Food costs have declined in the United States,
but the costs of other goods and services, such as health care, have
increased. Thus, a measure based on the cost of food will gradually
underestimate the actual minimum cost of living over time. And what
other goods and services should be factored in? For example, in some
cities (like Los Angeles) it is essential to have a car, whereas in other
cities (like New York) most people use public transportation.
Measuring poverty in an absolute way also poses challenges because
the purchasing power of a dollar changes not only over time, but also
across space. One of the primary measures of poverty used in the developing
world is also an absolute measure: the dollar-per-day standard,
which is often cited by such organizations as the World Bank. Using
this measure, the poverty rate in developing countries is determined
by the percentage of people living on less than one dollar a day, or, in
slightly more advanced developing countries, two dollars a day. Although
appealing in its simplicity, the dollar-per-day measure has come under
significant criticism because, among other things, it does not account
for the fact that one dollar means different things in different places.7
Not only does the cost of basic necessities vary dramatically from one
country to another, but the types of services that governments provide
(such as health care and education) can also be quite different.
Alternative ways of developing a poverty line do exist. Chief among
these is a relative measure of poverty that is based on a percentage of
a country or region’s personal income or consumption. For example,
the European Union defines individuals living in households whose
income is less than 60 percent of a nation’s median income to be
living in poverty. Proponents of relative poverty measures argue
that they are more useful because they account for changing levels
of inequality within a society. As the overall wealth of a society
increases, so would the poverty level if lower-income households
don’t keep up. Relative measures of poverty shift the definition of
poverty from being about the material resources needed for survival
to being about having less than others in a society.
One problem with the relative approach is that changes in the
relative poverty rate may not fully capture the real changes in the
material well-being of “the poor.” Ireland provides an illustrative
example. When the Celtic Tiger took off economically in the late
1990s, paradoxically, so did the poverty rate. As the median income
increased, many families who didn’t experience a loss in income were
now found to be in poverty, although their absolute state remained
unchanged.8 The current economic downturn may have the reverse
effect—as median income falls, so too may the number of families in
poverty, even though they still face material hardship. The strength
of the relative measure of poverty—its consideration of the overall
income distribution—is also one of its most important weaknesses.
If policymakers are primarily interested in reducing the material
hardships associated with poverty, relative poverty measures may
not capture the information the policymakers are seeking.
In addition to the absolute and relative measures of poverty,
some suggest using a subjective approach to the poverty measure.
The absolute and relative poverty measures depend on an external
agency determining the threshold for being poor. The best judge of
whether someone is poor or not, however, may be the poor person
himself. Subjective poverty measures rely on a person’s own reporting
of whether or not he has an income that is adequate to meet his
needs.9 Although a useful gauge of aggregate perceived well-being,
subjective measures of poverty are often impractical when it comes
to providing government support for the poor. If a person is able to
determine for himself whether he is poor and deserves government
help, there is an obvious incentive for misreporting.
What a Poverty Line Can't Tell You
No poverty line, regardless of how well conceived or how well intentioned,
can provide the information that nonprofit leaders and
policymakers need to better serve their community. A line cannot
provide information about the depth or intensity of deprivation.
It cannot tell us about the duration of poverty. It does not provide
direct information about actual deprivation, such as homelessness
or hunger. In addition, a poverty line does not provide any information
about the correlates or causes of poverty. Finally, a simple
line limits our understanding of poverty to the economic realms,
ignoring the social and political dimensions of exclusion and marginalization.
A poverty line does not provide information about the depth or
intensity of poverty. Those people labeled as poor could all be concentrated
just below the poverty line, or they could be concentrated
near zero income. If most poor people are concentrated just below the
poverty line, they are likely working and poor. To help those people,
one would concentrate on work support programs, such as the Earned
Income Tax Credit. A different set of policies and programs would
be pursued if most of the people had little or no income.
A poverty line does not provide information about how long people
have been poor. Episodic poverty is often precipitated by the loss of a
job, a sudden illness, or another unexpected crisis. Chronic poverty
may be the result of physical or mental disabilities, generations of
cumulative deprivation, poor education, or lack of jobs. Episodic
poverty might require short-term assistance, whereas chronic poverty
could require job training and more holistic supports.
Although income is highly correlated with a person’s material
circumstances, it provides incomplete information about actual
deprivation. Is the person unable to afford rent and thus living on the
street? Is the family unable to purchase enough food so the adults in
the household are going hungry? Are they making ends meet by not
purchasing badly needed medications? In each of these instances,
different programs would be needed to alleviate the problem.
In addition, the poverty line does not provide important information
about a person’s health, something that is intimately connected
to poverty. People who are poor are more likely to have health problems
and less likely to receive adequate care for those problems. At
the same time, people who have health problems are more likely to
be poor because of their inability to participate fully in the labor
market. Poverty lines are unable to account for this important correlate
of poverty, which is problematic because health interventions
can play an important role in reducing poverty.
Last, knowing that a family is below the poverty line does not
tell us the extent to which they are otherwise integrated into society.
There is something qualitatively different about a family with
an annual income of $15,000 where the father and mother have a
high school education, vote, have health care, and live in a clean
and modest home in a safe neighborhood, and another family at
the same income level that does not have any of these things. The
former is a working family that is making ends meet; the latter is
the makings of an underclass. Social exclusion—a term commonly
used in Europe that has failed to catch on in the United States—is
the degree to which an individual (or group) is detached from the
larger society.10 These covariates of poverty help to round out the
picture of exclusion and give policymakers better information with
which to design solutions.
The Poverty Line in Practice
Most people would agree that New York City and Los Angeles are
very different cities with distinct social problems, yet the two cities
have virtually identical federal poverty rates—18.6 percent and 18.9
percent, respectively. The different social and economic characteristics
of these two cities, however, indicate that the causes of poverty
are likely to be quite different. It is also likely that the solutions required to alleviate
or reduce poverty in each city need to be equally distinct.
One of the most striking differences between the nation’s two
largest cities is their racial and ethnic composition. Whereas 25.1
percent of New Yorkers are black, only 9.9 percent of Angelenos are
black. Los Angeles, on the other hand, has a much larger Hispanic
population than New York City—48.4 percent compared with
27.5 percent. In addition, the percentage of people who speak only
English at home is 52.2 percent in New York City, compared with
just 40.2 percent in Los Angeles.
The large difference in food stamp participation rates between
the two cities is also glaring. Even though the official poverty rates
are the same, 13.9 percent of New Yorkers receive food stamps,
compared with only 5.4 percent of people living in Los Angeles. The
different participation rates in this program indicate that a program
that works well in New York City might not have the same impact
in Los Angeles because of their distinct demographics.
It is no surprise that only 11.2 percent of Los Angeles residents use
public transportation to get to work, compared with 54.6 percent of New
Yorkers who use public transportation to commute. New York City’s
public transit system is ubiquitous and provides low-cost access to jobs
throughout the city. One could infer from these data that an investment
to improve Los Angeles’ public transit might help move people out
of poverty by making it
easier for them to get and
hold jobs, whereas a similar
intervention in New
York City would probably
have limited impact.
Toward a Solution
To address the shortcomings of the poverty line, the Obama administration
announced in March that it will begin publishing a “supplemental
poverty measure” (SPM) that is similar to the one used by
Bloomberg and is based largely on the recommendations of the NAS
panel. The SPM will be calculated by determining the consumption
spending of an average household at the 33rd percentile of income—
well above extreme deprivation, but below the national median. After
determining what this household spends on basic consumption—such
as food, housing, and medical care—the U.S. Department of Commerce
will determine what a family needs to subsist at a basic level.
This new line will be adjusted regionally by housing cost.
The Obama administration deserves praise for trying to craft a
better measure of poverty. But the plan has two fundamental flaws.
First, the SPM has no teeth. According to Blank, who is leading the
administration’s efforts, the supplemental measure will not replace the
existing line when it comes to determining who is eligible for poverty
programs or how poverty funding is allocated. Instead, the line will be
an additional macroeconomic indicator that will provide a different way
to assess the well-being of low-income households in America.11
The second problem is that the regional variation in the poverty
line is based solely on the difference in the cost of housing, without
consideration for differences in other important costs. Blank says
that the reason is that the only good data created annually at the city
level are the housing cost estimates derived from the U.S. Census
Bureau’s American Community Survey. But why not use this as an
opportunity to improve and expand data collection? There is no
reason the American Community Survey cannot be expanded to
include a consumer expenditure module. This would permit the
calculation of a unique poverty line for every metropolitan area that
is based directly on the spending needs, patterns, and capabilities
of real households in that community.
Now is the time to develop better data on poverty’s causes and
consequences. The production of such data should adhere to three
principles: It should be local, comprehensive, and accessible. National-level
statistics on everything from poverty to educational attainment
are readily available on an annual basis from the American
Community Survey. State-level statistics are also available for most
measures, but often not as frequent or detailed as national snapshots.
Local-level statistics, however, are sorely lacking. Government surveys
should provide statistically representative samples of all major
metropolitan areas when possible and, for the most basic and vital
indicators, be sure to capture a representative sample of smaller
cities, towns, and rural areas on a rotating basis.
Data on poverty, its determinants, and its consequences also need
to be comprehensive. The census provides a decent way to access
its data for users who want to generate tables of, say, educational
attainment by race and income. The Centers for Disease Control and
Prevention provide excellent measures of birthrates by age. But it
is virtually impossible to marry these data to find out the birthrate
of African Americans (race), in their early 20s (age), who are high
school graduates (educational attainment). That is why universities
and foundations spend millions of dollars annually to conduct separate
surveys that capture all four variables. Government agencies
should collaborate with nonprofit, foundation, and social services
leaders to ensure that data collection is comprehensive.
Finally, data on poverty and its covariates need to be accessible
to non-experts. Federal agencies sort data to suit their needs and
address their policy research questions. The USDA, for example,
publishes national rates of food insecurity by a host of characteristics
including income, race, and household type. It also publishes
rates of food insecurity by state. What if a nonprofit is interested in
food insecurity by race in Alabama? The data exist; they are sitting
in a micro-data file that is supposedly accessible to the public. Using
these data, however, requires expensive software and sophisticated
technical knowledge and programming skills to manipulate.
As David Dodge, who works for Right to the City in New York,
points out: “When we need really local data, we have to rely on the
Furman Center at New York University, which does a lot of work to
collect local information. They put out reports that have specific
information about the neighborhoods in New York. But it shouldn’t
be a nonprofit’s responsibility to collect and analyze that information.
It should be the government’s role.” Government statisticians should
make the relevant data available through an easy-to-use point-andclick
interface that allows the user to design and generate his own
tables, customized to the lowest level of geography possible.
Congress is expected to hold hearings on the poverty line this fall.
Our recommendation to Congress and the Obama administration is
simple: Make it count. Use the retooling of the poverty line as an opportunity
to change the way data are collected on low-income households
and to improve the way that policy and programs use the poverty line
in determining eligibility and allocating funding. The ball is in motion.
Now it’s time to make sure that our efforts make concrete improvements
in the lives of those struggling to make ends meet.
Measuring poverty accurately is a must, but alone it is not enough.
We need to expand our understanding of poverty. We must move
beyond the line.
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